AGHAST at the defection of millions who voted for Barack Obama in 2012 but for Donald Trump in 2016—notably working-class whites in the Midwest—the left wants the Democratic Party to snatch up the banner of economic populism and declare war on Wall Street, big business and other global elites. At post-election gatherings like the Democracy Alliance conference in Washington, DC, it is an article of faith that Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, the snowy-haired, finger-jabbing scold who lost the Democratic presidential primary to Hillary Clinton, would have trounced Mr Trump in the general election.
Such Democrats are making a mistake. It is as if America’s political classes are bent on copying every part of Britain’s current flirtation with who-needs-experts populism. Not content with holding an election that saw voters sharply divided by education, age, geography and attitudes to social change—as happened with the Brexit referendum—American leftists seem ready to follow Britain’s Labour Party down the path of self-righteous irrelevance.
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To simplify, populists of the left talk about fairness: an abstract idea. They call for government to break up big banks, make sure the rich pay taxes or erect tariff or regulatory barriers to keep globalisation at bay. Populists of the right happily borrow leftish lines about putting domestic workers first, and curbing the might of international finance. But then instead of talking about fairness, they talk of safety and control, of defending precious values that are under assault, and of keeping The Other at bay. Rather than fixing the system, they talk of taking their country back. If it suits their needs, populists of the right will present government itself as an agent of tyranny. Those are potent slogans that appeal to the gut, not the head—and in America just helped Republicans to elect a billionaire who calls tax-avoidance “smart”. They are reasons why the centre-left should beware of choosing to fight the right on populist ground.
The hard lesson of 2016 is that mainstream politicians do not yet have a perfect answer to the demagogues sweeping the West. Mrs Clinton was a clunking candidate who—disastrously—took the Midwest for granted. But her larger problem was that she could not match Mr Trump’s willingness to tell angry workers whatever they wanted to hear, as when he promised to bring back coal-mining jobs, or manufacturing from Asia. Every rich-world politician knows what voters want: to be shielded from competition that they feel is unfair or unbearable, whether from machines or foreigners. But no responsible leader knows how to do that without harming the economy. As Mr Booker says: “You can’t create policy against a microchip.” As they enter a spell in the wilderness, Democrats cannot out-promise Mr Trump. They need to out-think him, by finding policies that work in the real world, in ways that voters can touch and feel. They have four years.