
Originally Posted by
Noam Chomsky, Q & A on 'Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media' delivered at University of Wisconsin - Madison, March 15, 1989
QUESTIONER: But I think there's also, if I could continue, I think there is also a problem in the analysis that I've seen in your works, and that you presented tonight, in the sense that, I think we can tend to lose the forest for the trees -- that you present so many, you know, astonishing details about what is wrong with the system, and about what is wrong with the media, that we can tend to lose sight of what I think the really key question is, which is, why is this control necessary in the first place. And I would submit, at least, that I think it's because there's -- I've got a minute and a half, I swear to God it's no longer -- it's because there's antagonistic interests involved. They didn't talk about milkmaids and dairy- whatever it was, dairymaids, and spinsters, and laborers in the seventeenth century for no reason, it was because they were the working class. And what we see today in this country, I think, is quite frankly, let's speak bluntly, a ruling class which tries to control a working class population. And that's what it's about, is holding on to that power.
If that's the case, then it seems like to me the question that we face is how to organize to change that system, to challenge capitalism. And I think in that effort you do a disservice to your listeners, and to the people who respect your work, when you equate Lenin with Stalinism as blithely as you did tonight. I say that, and I think it's also important to point out that that is an unquestioned assumption, and also an easy applause-getter, we saw, that you share with the mainstream media. And I think if it were actually that simple, the horrific kinds of measures that even bourgeois historians describe as a counterrevolution under Stalin would not have been necessary if they were all the same to begin with.
Now, in short, to sum up, the situation that you have outlined tonight I think is extremely serious, and I think it's important that we all take it seriously. What we're talking about is literally the fate of millions of lives around the world, as particularly in the international politics that you describe. That being the case, then I think we need a full, and a serious, and a fair discussion of various different alternatives, not just talking about the horrors of capitalism, but actually how to change it to end the stuff once and for all.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well I think you made, yeah, I think- well, there's several questions there. One is about the discussion of the United States, and I think what I said is approximately what you said, except I didn't use some of that rhetoric. The- I, you know, which I don't particularly think is particularly helpful, to tell you the truth, either analytically or to understand or whatever. But it's the same picture. John Jay had it straight, the people who own the country ought to govern it -- and the people who own the country have, basically, now are a network of corporations and conglomerates, banks, and so on -- they ought to govern it, and the way they do it is by the methods we've described.
Now as far as the Soviet Union is concerned, I didn't happen to talk about it tonight, but I've written about this topic. I haven't just made the charge, I've written about it, and explained why I think it's true. And it doesn't bother me if I happen to agree with the mainstream media on this. Trotsky, to pick somebody who you remember, once- he was charged in the 1930s with agreeing with the fascists in his condemnation of the Soviet Union. And he pointed out that his critique was- to be true, he didn't- wasn't going to abandon it if somebody else happened to say it for different reasons. So the question is about the Soviet Union, and particularly about Lenin.
So, what was Leninism?
Well, in my- here we have to look at the facts. Now, you know, you look at the facts, I think here's what you find. Lenin was a right wing deviation of the Socialist movement, and he was so regarded. He was regarded as that by the Marxists, by the mainstream Marxists. We've forgotten who the mainstream Marxists were because they lost, and you only remember the guys who won. But, if you go back to the- to that period, the mainstream Marxists were people like, for example, Anton Pannekoek, who was head of education for the Marxist movement. And a serious- he's the one- one of the people who Lenin later denounced as an infantile leftist. But he was one of the leading intellectuals of the actual Marxist movement. Rosa Luxembourg was another mainstream Marxist, and there were others. And they were very critical -- in fact Trotsky was one, up until 1917 -- they were all very critical of Leninism, because of this, what they regarded, as this opportunistic vanguardism. The idea that the radical intelligentsia were going to exploit popular movements to seize State power, and then to use that State power to whip the population into the society that they chose.
Now that was quite inconsistent with Marxism as understood by the mainstream, sort of, I'd say left Marxists. From this point of view, Bolshevism was a right-wing deviation. Trotsky made the same points up until 1917.
Now, when Lenin came back to Russia, in April 1917, he took a different line, quite a different line from the one he'd had in the past. You take a look at Lenin's work, it shifted character in April '17. In April 1917 it became kind of libertarian. That's when he came out with the April Theses, and that's when he wrote State and Democracy, it came out- it came out a year later, but that's when it was written, and these were -- State and Revolution -- these were basically libertarian works. They were very much more in the mainstream of, sort of left, libertarian-socialism, from sort of, you know, this range that goes from Anarchism over to left Marxism of the Pannekoek/Luxembourg variety. And he talked about Soviets, and the need for, you know, workers organization and so on, and in fact came really closer to what the essence of socialism was always understood to be, after all the core of socialism was understood to be workers control over production. That was the core. That's where you begin with. Then you go on to other things. But the beginning is control by the workers over production. That's where it begins.
Then Lenin took power in October 1917 in what's called a revolution, but in my view ought to be called a coup. And the- then- and things followed that coup, or revolution, if you want to call it that.
One of the things that followed it was the immediate moves to destroy the soviets and the factory councils. Those were some of the first moves of Lenin and Trotsky after they took -- Trotsky joined at that point -- after they took State power.
In fact if you look at what Lenin wrote after that period, or did, you'll find it's a reversion to the earlier position. This sort of left deviation, is that, a deviation. You could ask why. In my view it was just opportunistic. He knew that in order to gain power he was going to have to go along with the popular currents that were developing, which were, in fact, spontaneous and libertarian and socialist, as most popular movements are, have been, in fact, since the 17th century. And being an astute politician, which he was, he sort of went along with that, and talked the line that the people wanted to hear. It's just like when an American politician goes somewhere, and his pollsters tell him, say so and so, he says it. It doesn't mean he believes it. And I think Lenin was doing the same thing without polls.
In any event, whatever your interpretation is, when he took power he reverted to the former vanguardism, and moved at once to eliminate the organs of workers control. Now that meant he was moving to destroy socialism, if socialism has as its core workers control over production. The soviets and the factory councils were instruments of workers control. And same- you could say they're defective instruments and they had to be worked out better, and so on, yeah, no doubt, but they were the instruments that had been developed in the course of popular struggle, for- to implement, basically, workers control. And those were the first things to go.
By early 1918 -- this is now- this is still really before the civil war set in -- Lenin's view was pretty clearly expressed. It was the view that- both he and Trotsky took the position, that what you need is what Trotsky called a labor army, which is submissive to the control of a single leader. He says modern, you know, progress and development and socialism requires that the mass of the population subordinate themselves to a single leader in a disciplined workforce.
Well, that has absolutely nothing to do with socialism. In fact, it's the exact opposite of it, and was criticized for that by the -- in a sense, in a spirit of some solidarity because, you know, the revolutionary forces were still operative -- he was criticized for that by people like Rosa Luxembourg and by Pannekoek and Gorter and the other mainstream, sort of, left Marxists. And that- and I think they were right. It seems to me that- and then it just goes on from there. I mean, Lenin reconstructed the Tsarist systems of oppression, often more efficiently -- Tscheka, KGB, and other techniques of control and oppression -- I think from that point on there was nothing remotely like socialism in the Soviet Union. I think it was in fact a- in my view it was a precursor of later forms of totalitarianism.
Now, you know, you could- that's what I think happened, and I think that's what you'll discover if you look at the facts. Now, why is it called socialism?
Well, I think there- see- I think that's complicated, and we should look at it. There's two- the Soviet Union calls it socialism. And, you know, after they took control of the- they did take control pretty soon of most of the international socialist movement, because of, primarily, the prestige of having created something, sort of, socialism.
Incidentally, just a side remark, Lenin remained, despite it all, a sort of an orthodox Marxist in many respects. And as an orthodox Marxist he didn't believe that it was possible to have socialism in the Soviet Union. This was supposed to be- up to his death, or, you know, shortly before his death, when he was still writing, you know, speaking lucidly, he took- kept the view that the Soviet revolution was a holding action. They're just going to hold things in place until the real revolution took place in Germany, because the revolution, according to Marxist doctrine, was going to take place in the most advanced sector of modern industrial capitalism, you know, for all the reasons that you read about in Marx. That's where the revolution had to take place. Obviously that wasn't the Soviet Union, so there couldn't be socialism there, it was just some kind of holding action. And that, presumably, gave some sort of justification for eliminating the socialist institutions. I don't think it's a real justification, but probably that was the internal justification. And again, in taking that view he was in accord with the mainstream Marxist tradition.
Well, after that comes the view that all of this is socialism. And why should the communist parties take that view? I think the reason is because they wanted to, sort of, exploit the moral force of socialism, which was quite real. You know, it's kind of hard to remember that today, but at that time it was very real. This was regarded as a, you know, as a progressive, moral force, and by associating their own destruction of socialism with the aura of socialism they hoped to gain credit, in the working classes and other progressive sectors.
Now, the West also identified that with socialism. And they did it for the opposite reason. They wanted to associate socialism with the brutality of the Russian State that undermined socialism. So what you had is that the two major world propaganda agencies, for their own quite different reasons, were claiming that this is socialism -- that this destruction of socialism is socialism. And it's very hard to break out of the control of the world's two major propaganda agencies when they agree. They agreed for different reasons, but they basically agreed, and that then became doctrine and dogma.
Well, I think people should ask whether that's true. Take a look back and see whether the moves that Lenin took, and that Trotsky supported him in taking, and that they both advocated, had anything to do with socialism as it was understood by the, say, in the Marxist tradition, or in the left libertarian tradition. And I think the answer that you'll discover when you look at that is that they didn't. In fact, this was a destruction of socialist institutions.
Well, you know, this may be true or it may be false. But if it's true, and I think the evidence pretty strongly supports it, then I don't see any reason why we shouldn't express that fact. And I certainly don't think that we should be deterred in expressing this fact if other people whose, you know, fascists, whatever, happen to condemn the Soviet Union, just for the same reasons that Trotsky mentioned in the 1930s.