The two truth reports differ slightly in tone, in interpretation, and in their statistics: REMHI, for example, record that 422 massacres took place during the armed conflict, while CEH counts 626 massacres, a significant difference that one may attribute to differing methodologies and confusion in place names that may have resulted in either the over-counting or under-counting of massacre reports. While the two reports vary somewhat in focus and analysis,
the conclusions of both are firm:
the military committed the vast majority of the human rights violations that took place over the course of the thirty-six-year conflict.
There is also clear, documented evidence of guerrilla-directed violence, particularly in the matter of targeted assassinations, but the violence that occurred during the armed conflict was
overwhelmingly lopsided:
REMHI found the State responsible for 83 percent of the killings, while CEH charged the State with slightly more than 90 percent of the killings that occurred over the three and a half decades of armed conflict.
A preponderance of these violations took place in the early 1980s, reaching a pinnacle in 1982.
Both projects unequivocally lay responsibility at the feet of Rios Montt and his military planners. These are the ones, the commissions charge, who executed the scorched-earth campaign (
tierra arrasada) that left hundreds of thousands of Guatemalan citizens dead, exiled, or emotionally maimed, and came close to destroying one of the world's great native cultures.
[...]Of those killed in the early 1980s, the majority - the truth commissions estimate
upward of 80 percent - were Mayan,
a fact that sharply distinguishes this period from earlier phases of armed conflict, when the war's victims tended to be
ladino (nonindigenous): campesinos, trade unionists, students, reformist politicians, and the military conscripted foot soldiers.
The sharp focus of violence on Mayan people during the early 1980s has given rise to the phrase
"the Mayan holocaust." This refers not only to the loss of Mayan lives, but also the loss of culture that resulted from the political violence, as rural Maya exchanged their indigenous identity for that of poor ladinos in order to live in relative anonymity in Guatemala's cities. Tens of thousands fled to refuge in Mexica, elsewhere in Central America, and to the United States, where they assumed new conflated and hybridized identities as Guatemalans (a self-identification that many indigenous people only embraced in exile) or, more broadly, Latinos, Hispanics, or even, in U.S. immigration courts, OTMs - Other Than Mexicans.
The counterinsurgency campaign of the early 1980s was the worst calamity to befall Mayan life and culture in Guatemala since the sixteenth-century Spanish conquest. So invasive was the assault on Mayan lives and culture during this period that one elderly Mayana woman referred to it as
desencarnacion, the lose of flesh, or los of being - an antonym of "incarnation."